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The Brainwashing of a Democratic State
Part One: May '84 - 14 July '93
(page one of eight)

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Sub Index of The Brainwashing of a Democratic State

The Brainwashing of a Democratic State

The complete chronology of events surrounding The Guardian newspaper’s ‘cash for questions’ campaign, showing how The Guardian used its influence over the British media to bring down the Conservative government of John Major with an invented story of corruption

Part One


(May 1984 - 14 July 1993)

The Guardian takes an interest in London's top professional
parliamentary lobbyist, Ian Greer

Summary of Part One

Over a period of nine years The Guardian newspaper develops increasing suspicions about London’s top lobbyist Ian Greer — and especially commission payments that Greer had given to the chairman of the Conservative backbench Trade & Industry Committee and two other unknown MPs for introducing new clients to his lobbying company.

The events listed in Part One show:

1:
How rumours began circulating in Britain's press that London's top lobbyist, Ian Greer, bribed MPs.  It shows how the rumours began in 1984; how they received a boost in April 1989, and again in November 1989; resulting in The Guardian's David Hencke the author of The Guardian's original 'cash for questions' article of October 1994 taking his first identifiable interest in Greer in mid-January 1990. 
        The chronology then shows how The Guardian's suspicions about Greer grew over the following two years until, eventually, on 22nd June 1993 The Guardian published a leading article by its chairman and columnist Hugo Young, alleging that lobbyists were corrupting public life, followed by a Commons debate on lobbyists on the 28th during which Greer was lambasted over his refusal to name two MPs whom he had granted commissions.

2:
These Guardian articles and events, together with important evidence mentioned at the end of this Part One, expose as a lie The Guardian's claim that its investigation into Ian Greer of July 1993 had begun as a consequence of allegations proactively made by Mohamed 'Al' Fayed on 14 July 1993 during a meeting with the editor of the Guardian, Peter Preston. 
        This aspect of The Guardian's deception is important, and goes to the credibility of The Guardian's portrayal of Fayed as a conscientious 'whistleblower' on corruption, for there is a fundamental difference of credibility between a) Mohamed Fayed eventually endorsing The Guardian's longstanding suspicions about Greer in a fit of rage over his passport, which is what the evidence shows actually happened; and b) Mohamed Fayed approaching The Guardian to proactively blow the whistle on Greer over a year before the passport had become an issue, which is what The Guardian claims happened.

3:
This Part One also contains summaries of the parliamentary activity that related to Mohamed Fayed, during each of the years that such activity took place (i.e. 1985-1990 inclusive).
      This documented activity of all MPs shows clearly the lacklustre, sporadic support given to Fayed by Neil Hamilton, including the stark fact that Hamilton had not spoken up to support Fayed once in the Commons, including parliamentary debates on the Egyptian’s ownership of Harrods.

      These statistics undermine The Guardian's story of 20 October 1994 alleging that Neil Hamilton had tabled 5 questions at £2,000 a time paid by the lobbyist Ian Greer; and undermine further the allegations made by Mohamed Fayed six weeks later that he himself had also paid Neil Hamilton £20,000 plus £8,000 in Harrods vouchers i.e. a supposed bribes total of £38,000.

4:
In addition to the above, Part One also lists several other important events that provide an understanding of the issues surrounding The Guardian's conspiracy.

Sub-Index

The chronology of events begins overleaf

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